2012/10/14

Lluís Companys' Legacy

Companys is sitting while he waits in the living room. They tell him that someone just knocked on the door. “Lluís, les allemandes sont arrivées!” (Lluís, the Germans are here). Calmly, he turns the page of the book he is holding and keeps reading. The members of the German police find him in his chair, reading Vies des saints (Lifes of Saints). Being as he is a liberal politician, of strong unionist convictions, his reaction is profoundly telling. He could have fled many days ago, but he's tired. Besides, he has important reasons for staying in France. His son, Lluïset, ill with schizophrenia, disappeared from the French mental hospital he was in after a bombing by the Germans forced it to be shut down. What will men be capable of when they give themselves to hatred...

Lluís Companys

Companys knows that he has made a few mistakes, that his reputation is destroyed, even (or especially) among Republicans and Catalanists. He has many doubts, hopes, and regrets. How many friends did he lose? He is far from home, the Catalan Government is gone like the wisps of smoke of a cigar, and he, who used to feel all-powerful at the Monumental not even three years ago, is now just one more refugee. However, he knows deeply that human beings do not only have one earthly life, but that there is another life after death, the final journey that makes heroes and martyrs of the defeated. Companys accepts his own destiny. He will lose his life but will reach immortality, and he will be a part of history. All his sins shall be forgiven. The day will come when teachers in schools will explain with excitement to their eager but slightly bored students the last hours of his life; his journey to the border as a prisoner of the Nazis; the harsh conditions on his trip to Madrid; his stay in prison; his torture; the illegal proceeding around his trial; the death that catches him unshod while he screams with his face to the wind Per Catalunya! in a futile but patriotic act. His time will pass and soon no-one who remembered him will be alive, but he will remain in the memory of those who will come after him, forever stoic, standing up straight in front of the firing squad in the early hours of the day.

After they are done unloading their guns on him, the firing squad lieutenant goes to finish him off (he just wasn't dying), and on top of that, the cocky officer steals from him his blood-stained scarf as a war trophy, for which he will be discharged from the army. The President of the Generalitat is dead. The cycle of hatred and violence will not be over until later, but the last traces of Republican legitimacy are physically dead. So it dies a defeated president, but a martyr is born. Many Francoists would have rather let him rot in jail, where he would not cause any trouble, like a slowly vanishing candle in the darkness. Alas, nobody listened to them, blind as they were from their thirst for revenge.

Bernat Roca, Historian

__________


Lluís Companys i Jover (1882 - 1940) was the 123rd President of Catalonia, from 1934 and during the Spanish Civil War. He is the only incumbent, democratically elected  president in Europe to have been executed, and seventy-two years later the the court martial  which sentenced him to death has not been revoked. This is Help Catalonia 's homage to him.

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2018/11/30

Catalan Kings and Counts Portraits Gallery returns to the Catalan Government Palace




Last days, part of the collection of portraits of counts and kings that ruled Catalonia until the seventeenth century is again on the walls of the Palau de la Generalitat. The gallery of portraits, commissioned in 1587 by the Generalitat (Catalan Government) to the Bolonia painter Filippo Ariosto, presided over the Sala Nova (New Hall), the governing hall in the Palace of the Generalitat de Catalunya for 300 years. From there they went to the military museum of Montjuïc and, with the return of the castle to Barcelona, and now the collection has also returned to the hands of the original owner.

At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the gallery of Catalan counts hanging on the walls of the Sala Nova of the Palau Consistori Major of Palau could still be distinguished, as can be seen in an engraving of 1809. The room where, even now, the government meets of Catalonia. For more than 300 years, the portraits of Catalan Kings and Counts Guifré el Pilós, Ramon Berenguer el Gran, Jaume el Conquistador, Martí l'Humà, Ferran I or Felip II were exposed there.

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2014/11/06

The Catalan Government: an Historical and Democratic Legitimacy

In the ongoing so-called Catalan process for democracy and in the face of the Spanish government's denial of it —along with that of the vast majority of the Spanish political class— there are some who have tried to focus the debate solely on legality versus legitimacy, ignoring all too often that this is also a debate on popular will versus political imposition, on the power of democratic legitimacy over an uncompromising system. Even so, Spanish Prime Minister Rajoy's attempt at denial attests to the fact that history cannot be distorted with impunity nor legitimacy misrepresented. At least not here and now, in twenty-first century Europe. 

129th President of Catalonia,  Artur Mas
129th President of Catalonia,
Artur Mas
Artur Mas, the President of Catalonia, is not the head of a regional government created thanks to and arising from the 1978 Spanish Constitution, as central government ministers and unionist pundits stubbornly affirm over and over again. Artur Mas is the 129th President of the Generalitat, the historical term of medieval origin for the Catalan legislative and executive branches of government. 

The Catalan Corts Reials were founded in the thirteenth century —well before their time, even in the European context— as a representation of the three estates: the ecclesiastical, the military, and the civil estates. And it is from this parliament that the king later accepted the establishment of a governing body, if only at first almost exclusively for tax collection. This Diputació del General or Generalitat, had Bishop Berenguer de Cruïlles as its first President in 1359. The Corts and the Generalitat gradually accrued more institutional and political weight, weakening royal power, until in 1714, at the end of the War of Succession and with the victory of the Bourbon dynasty, the historic rights of Catalonia, including the parliamentary institution and government, were obliterated and Catalonia was institutionally assimilated into Spain. 

It was not until the proclamation of the Spanish Republic in 1931 that these rights were again recognized, even if only partially, with the restoration of both Parliament and Generalitat. It is no coincidence that Catalonia was the only region with institutions of home rule during the Republic, apart from the Basque Country, which did not obtain them until 1936 when the Civil War had already begun. 

123rd President of Catalonia,  Lluís Companys
123rd President of Catalonia,
Lluís Companys
In 1939, following the victory of fascism that dictator General Franco embodied, the Parliament and the Generalitat —the two institutions we now recognise as our government— were once again abolished. But this abolition did not mean obliteration: they continued to exist and resist in exile. The 123rd President of the Generalitat, Lluís Companys, who was first appointed in 1933, maintained the office until Franco had him executed by firing squad —after having been arrested by the Gestapo in France— in 1940. 

Mr Companys was succeeded by Josep Irla, the last Speaker of the Parliament before the end of the war: in accordance with Catalan law, the Speaker filled the void left by the President of the Generalitat automatically and with full authority, if it was infeasible for the chamber to convene as was the case. Mr Irla exercised the Presidency of the Generalitat of Catalonia in exile from 1940 until he resigned in 1954, already ill and only four years before his death. 


124th President of Catalonia,  Josep Irla
124th President of Catalonia,
Josep Irla
Josep Tarradellas —who had been a Minister of the Generalitat during the Republic and with Mr Irla— was elected by the Members of the Parliament convened in Mexico and he assumed the responsibility of keeping the institutional representation alive. He did so for several decades from his home in Saint-Martin-le-Beau in France. In fact, if Mr Companys represented the link of perseverance between the Republican Generalitat and exile, Mr Tarradellas led the way to its return. 

His administration did not always receive the approval of all Catalans in exile —for example, he did not appoint a government but led the institution exclusively from his presidency. But when Gen. Franco died in November 1975, at the beginning of the so-called Spanish Transition, Mr Tarradellas knew how to play the cards of historic rights under the safeguards of democracy. Thus, as of the beginning of 1976, he made ever closer contact with the political forces both from the Republican period as well as anti-Francoist forces, and began to negotiate with the new powers of the state, especially with Spain's then President Adolfo Suarez.

President Tarradellas returning from exile in 1977
President Tarradellas returning from exile in 1977
When the Congreso de los Diputados, the Spanish parliament, initiated its constituent period after the first elections in June 1977, Tarradellas concluded the negotiation process with a surprise trip to Madrid, where he met with King Juan Carlos and President Suarez. Upon his return to Barcelona on the 23rd of October 1977, after having obtained the recognition of his status as president of the Generalitat, he was greeted with a massive popular reception. 

In an unfortunately exceptional case —in the sense that even today the Franco regime's acts have not been formally repealed or declared null and void, beginning with President Companys' execution— Mr Tarradellas was able to obtain the repeal of the law that abolished the Catalan institutions, and also got the Generalitat re-established, as well as getting himself appointed —by the King— as its provisional President. 

The historical and democratic legitimacy of the Government of Catalonia was thus recognized even before the enactment of the Spanish Constitution of 1978 and the framework to be generalized which would later grant autonomy to regions throughout Spain. 

125th President of Catalonia,  Josep Tarradellas
125th President of Catalonia,
Josep Tarradellas
Mr Tarradellas appointed an interim government —made up of the Catalan parties that had obtained representation in the 1977 Spanish general elections— and called elections to the Parliament of Catalonia as soon as the new Spanish legislation in 1980 allowed, giving way to a new period of democracy for the institutions of the Generalitat. 

All this thus collides with what those who repeatedly say that Catalonia's self-government was created by the Spanish Constitution of 1978. It is neither born of, nor is it legitimized by it. That the Spanish constitutional monarchy recognized the Generalitat as a system of self-government for Catalonia, in the person who represented the succession of the Republican era, is not just a singular feature. It is the assumption of legitimacy prior to the constitutional period. Prior historically and prior legally. Prior politically, too. A legitimacy that comes from afar and that no central government can appropriate or destroy. It would not be the first to attempt it. It will not be the first to fail. 

This legitimacy comes from history, and beyond that from the peoples' sovereignty as expressed in the Parliament of Catalonia. A legitimacy that allows —and obliges— the Government of the Generalitat to call the citizens to freely and democratically express their will for the future.


Josep Bargalló

Josep Bargalló Valls
@josepbargallo
First Minister and Minister of the Presidency of Catalonia 2004-2006
Minister of Education of Catalonia 2003-2004
Councillor in Torredembarra Town Council (1995-2003)
President of the Ramon Llull Institute (2006-2010)
From 2010 he is Professor at the University Rovira i Virgili

More by this author:
Catalonia's President Lluís Companys



Help Catalonia is an association that receives no subsidies whatsoever from the Spanish state, the Catalan government or indeed any other organisation. We, the people who work in this project, do so on a voluntary basis and for no financial gain whatsoever.
If you like the task we are performing and would like to help us carry on our undertaking you may make a donation through bank account No. IBAN ES69 0049 4751 4421 9506 0811 .
Or you may also make a donation via PayPal clicking the button "Donate" .

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2014/10/14

Catalonia's President Lluís Companys

Arrested by the Gestapo, executed by Franco, still a convict in Spain 2014.

At dawn on October 15, 1940, Lluís Companys, then President of Catalonia, was put before a firing squad in the moat of Montjuic Castle in Barcelona and shot. The detail of soldiers executed the sentence of a court martial, pursuant to regulations recently imposed by General Franco's fascist regime. The German Gestapo had handed over to their fellow Spanish Secret Police only a few months earlier a 58 year old man who represented a country they wanted to ridicule in defeat and to teach a lesson for the future.

Exiled in France after the victory of General Franco in the Spanish Civil War, he was arrested by the Nazi secret police in La Baule-Escoublac (Brittany) on 13th August 1940, an arrest witnessed by a policeman who had come expressly from Spain. Mr Companys was first interrogated by that officer at La Santé prison in Paris, he was placed under his custody and taken to Madrid, where he was tortured.

On 3rd October, the President was transferred to Barcelona to be summarily court-martialled. He was sentenced to death —with a shot of macabre fascist irony— for "participation in a military rebellion", in a one-day trial and without even meeting the few legal guarantees to be observed under the dictatorship.

He was shot immediately afterwards, on the morning of 15th October 1940, at Montjuic Castle where he had been taken and tried—on the mountain where the Olympic stadium that now bears his name stands. President Companys was the only democratically-elected government leader in Europe to have been executed in the twentieth century, and is still today the symbol of Gen. Franco's persecution of Catalan Republicans.

A labour lawyer with a strong background in social struggles, a long political career and extensive experience in local government, the President of the Parliament of Catalonia (1932-1933), a Minister of the Spanish Government (1933) and the leader of the non-Marxist, socially-oriented Catalan Republican Left Party —the leading party at that time— Lluis Companys had led the government of Catalonia (1934 and 1936-1940) in harsh times, which worsened with Gen. Franco's fascist coup d'etat.

News of his death flew across borders, languages and cultures, and its echo reached antifascists worldwide. Chilean poet Pablo Neruda, the future Nobel laureate, dedicated a fiery "Song to the Death and Resurrection of Lluís Companys," which emanates a flood of images that defined much of his work.

But Mr Companys' execution was only the visible tip of the Franco repression. By the time the President was shot, in just over a year and a half of the dictatorship, the regime had executed 2,760 people in Catalonia alone. In summary trials, without any procedural guarantees, and with summary executions, Franco claimed the lives of men and women who had decided not to take the road to exile, as thousands of others had done. Anonymous citizens who hoped that Franco was not so fierce nor had such a blood lust. A lust that was not halted by the death of President Companys.

A few days after the execution of Mr Companys, on October 23, General Franco and Hitler met in Hendaye, on the border between France and Spain. Both dictators agreed to strengthen their collaboration, which had begun with the participation of the German Condor Legion in the Spanish Civil War, the bombing of Guernica—a test lab for the air raids on cities and civilians the Nazis would soon apply in the rest of Europe. And even though Spain would formally remain neutral in the Second World War, Franco decided to supply the Nazi army with the Spanish fascist volunteer Blue Division, which took part in the Russian campaign.

Almost seventy-five years later, when Germany and France have officially apologised for having participated in the arrest and deportation of Lluís Companys, the Spanish justice system continues to refuse to declare the judgement void. The Spanish state —not just Justice but also the Executive and the Legislative branches— have repeatedly opposed recognising the illegality of the Courts Martial, and has refused to meet the families of the victims: those executed, murdered, and buried in mass graves, as well as exiles, those expelled from their jobs, and those whose homes, lands, and businesses were confiscated.

While persistently refusing to recognise the Franco regime as a dictatorship —the only case of continuity of a fascist Corpus Juris or body of law anywhere in Europe— in the Spain of 2014, Franco's sarcophagus continues to preside over the mausoleum in the so-called Valley of the Fallen, which belongs to the National Heritage —i.e. the State— the Francisco Franco Foundation —devoted to exalting the values of Franco and fascism— all receive public funding every year, and the Brotherhood of the Blue Division Fighters —whose members include soldiers who fought on Hitler's side— receive diplomas of recognition from the Spanish government.

And not only that. In recent weeks we have seen the Public Prosecutor refusing to act against the display of Nazi symbols at football matches, and swastika flags at public events where police officers do not intervene. Furthermore, there have been testimonials to the Condor Legion, with the approval of local authorities and police. All this with increasingly greater impunity unheard of and unthinkable —even illegal— in European democracies.

In 2014, Spain is seeing ever greater perpetuation of the Francoism that articulated the transition in the late 70's and 80's from dictatorship to democracy, made of a pact between the old regime, the new majority parties and the powers behind government.

Upon the death of Franco, old and new politicians, under the protection of economic powers, sealed the deal that opened the way for formal rules of democracy without scrapping the essential aspects of the Franco regime. This they did in 1978 in the form of a Constitution which meant amnesty for crimes in the recent past, the perpetuation of the royal succession imposed by Franco himself, and the establishment of a system of representation with a locked in Justice system and no channels of direct participation.

This Constitution provides that the Companys sentence remains in force but prevents, they say, that the people of Catalonia can decide on their future freely, democratically. A Constitution preventing something as simple as holding a non-binding referendum.

Meanwhile, where in Madrid they carry on in denial and reneging, the Catalan authorities and Parliament, with the Government at the head, Mr Companys is honoured every 15th October, and the Olympic Stadium on Montjuïc mountain, where the castle in which he lived his last few days stands, bears his name. Perhaps because, again, it remains clear that "Catalonia is not Spain".


Josep Bargalló Valls
@josepbargallo
First Minister and Minister of the Presidency of Catalonia 2004-2006
Minister of Education of Catalonia 2003-2004
Councillor in Torredembarra Town Council (1995-2003)
President of the Ramon Llull Institute (2006-2010)
From 2010 he is Professor at the University Rovira i Virgili

More by this author:
Francesc Macià, President of the Catalan Republic



Help Catalonia is an association that receives no subsidies whatsoever from the Spanish state, the Catalan government or indeed any other organisation. We, the people who work in this project, do so on a voluntary basis and for no financial gain whatsoever.
If you like the task we are performing and would like to help us carry on our undertaking you may make a donation through bank account No. IBAN ES69 0049 4751 4421 9506 0811 .


Or you may also make a donation via PayPal clicking the button "Donate" .

Read more »

2013/02/04

Dr Broggi: a Great Man, a Great Loss



Physician, surgeon, scientist, intelligent, eloquent, decisive, courageous, Catalan, caring, modest, generous, hospitable, friendly and, because of the grand old age he reached, also tender and endearing, he always had a smile and a hand to lend to those who asked him. This is how I would define the man I will talk about and who very sadly passed away on December 31st, 2012, at the age of 104, Dr. Moisés Broggi.

Dr. Broggi was born
in Barcelona on May 18th, 1908. We might say that during his childhood he already lived with the idea of Catalonia being a country, since this was how he was raised by his family.

He studied medicine at the University of Barcelona,
​​where he graduated, specializing in surgery.

In 1936 during the Spanish Civil War he took the Republican side, joining the medical team of the International Brigades (
volunteer military units from all over the world), to fight against fascism in favor of the Republic and against General Franco's military rebels. Ernest Hemingway refers to Dr. Broggi as "the brave little republican doctor" in his novel “For Whom the Bell Tolls”.

During this period he implemented one of the great medical breakthroughs of the war, the mobile operating room.

At the end of the war, while he was working at the Hospital Clinic in Barcelona, he founded the Emergency Department, which was the first 24 hour emergency service in Spain.

Despite his remarkable professional career, he was dismissed from all his posts by the Spanish dictatorial regime imposed by coup d'etat leader, General
Franco. He was effectively purged and disqualified by a court for any public service.

Moisès Broggi-Vallès continued, however, with his professional tasks in various locations in Barcelona;
it is worth noting his task in health assistance, which was active until the 1980's. During his career he was appointed Chairman of the Ethics Committee at the College of Physicians and was a founding member of the International Association of Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW), a body that won the Nobel Prize for Peace in 1985. He also worked on research in surgical anatomy and was one of the promoters of bioethics in Catalonia.

He was awarded several top prizes for his work, such as the Creu de Sant Jordi, the Gold Medal of the city of Barcelona and the Gold Medal of the Catalan government, among others.

He also wrote several books, some autobiographical, such as “Memoirs of a Surgeon” (Memòries d'un cirurgià, 2011) and “Thoughts of a one-hundred-year-old man” (Reflexions d'un vell centenari, 2011). From this biography, we can only come to admire the intellectual capacity of Dr. Broggi.

During the last years of his life he started what we might call his involvement in the struggle for the freedom and
independence of Catalonia. During this period, Doctor Broggi was involved in politics, always as a representative of civil society, supporting pro-independence candidates and at the same time running for election himself. He was involved in various social movements, cooperating and actively participating in events and campaigns, always in favor of the Catalan Nation and with the objective of promoting unity, instrumental in achieving independence. This public involvement helped the pro-independence movement reach social sectors that were not usually accessible before.

One of his outstanding features, in my opinion the most important, was his humility, particularly taking into account that he was a celebrity, awarded the country's highest honors; his door was always open to anyone who wanted to talk and share their opinions. He was always willing to support initiatives he believed were useful to move forward and he did not mind going wherever was required to do whatever he could to help and cooperate, despite his age: he was always ready. A man who had spent all his life working for people’s health was now serving his country; he received many visitors –in his office surrounded by books
political, social and cultural representatives, and he would always listen to all of them with great interest. He was not at all fastidious and always let his guests set the pace, but those who knew him well noticed when he heard something he liked and made him stir; despite his age he almost had a childlike smile, a sign of his enthusiasm. At that moment he would show impressive energy to move things forward.

He was not a troublesome man; he was always polite and respectful; he mediated in several occasions between the different Catalan political representatives of pro-independence parties, whose relationships were sometimes tense. I must confess that I was impressed as he set out
the points of conflict, which he was perfectly aware of, at these meetings; he was always capable of clearly explaining his position without offending anyone.

I have to say that those who were lucky enough to meet him and work with him have suffered an immense loss and the emptiness he leaves will be irreplaceable.




Carme Teixidó
President of @AraoMai
Dr Broggi supported Ara o Mai
@almogaten



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2013/06/08

A brief history of the repression of the Catalan language




                                                                                       "Our language has never been imposed,
                                                                            but it has always been a language of encounter.
                                                                                    Nobody was ever forced to speak Spanish.
                                              The various peoples freely choose to speak the language of Cervantes."

This part of a speech by Spanish king Juan Carlos I during the 2001 Cervantes Awards ceremony shows how Spanish history has been given a fresh spin in recent years. His advisors either completely ignore history or their degree of manipulation and cynicism is extraordinary. Probably both things are true.
The real events in history, however, are well documented. What follows is a short non-comprehensive summary.
In 1712, heeding the general advice given by Count-Duke Olivares in 1625, Phillip V secretly instructed his representatives in Catalonia, stressing that “you will try to introduce the Spanish language, and with that purpose you will give disguised orders so that you get the required results without being noticed.”
He ratified this instruction in 1714, "to try to introduce the Spanish language in those villages than do not speak it ("villages" as equivalent to nationality, not towns or cities).”
Therefore, since Catalonia was annexed, Castile promoted illiteracy in Spanish in order to turn Catalonia into something that had never been before: a territory under the sovereignty of the Crown of Castile. In fact, bilingualism was the first step of the process to replace the language. This desire, which begins, explicitly, in the 17th century, continued through the 19th and 20th centuries and is still going on.
More specifically, I’d like to give examples by areas where strict regulation with no precedent was enforced to eradicate the Catalan language. According to Jesús Tusón, a reputated linguist, “(the notion of) one country, one language is thus one of the most destructive ideas on human diversity, an aberration that threatens the natural and historic diversity of our species.”
 
 
 
EDUCATION
XVIII Century
1715 - Consultation to the Council of Castile: In the classroom there should be no books in Catalan; this language will not be used in speaking or writing and the Christian doctrine will be taught and learned in Spanish.
1780 - Royal provision enacted by the count of Floridablanca: Requires all schools to teach the grammar of the Spanish Royal Academy.
XIX Century
1821 - Quintana Plan obliges to use Spanish in the school system.
1837 - Royal regulation included bodily and defamatory punishments for children who speak Catalan at school.
1837 - Instruction by the government of the Balearic Islands obliges to punish students who speak Catalan, who were detected thanks to the information provided by other students.
1857 - Moyano Act  confirms the prohibition of Catalan in public education. It is considered the act which contributed the most to the Catalan children being illiterate in their own language, as it was since the second half of the XIX century when primary education was widespread in Spain.
XX Century
1923 - Edict that imposes teaching of Spanish during Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship. However, this is not the only one, as I show below.
1924 - General Losada imposes teaching of Spanish at schools. A Royal Order punishes teachers who teach in Catalan. That very year, 1924, Antoni Gaudí himself was arrested and beaten for speaking in Catalan to some police officers.
1926 - Royal decree that punishes teachers who speak Catalan by transferring them.1938 - Act of April 9th abolishes the Statute of Catalonia and prohibits Catalan.
1939 - Prohibition to speak or write in Catalan in all public or private schools.
BACKGROUND
In fact, the story of the persecution of the Catalan language is similar to a story dating back to the 16th century, when the Andalusian population was subjected to a fierce political, cultural, religious, and linguistic repression. A surprising regulation of persecution against this people was established: they were forbidden to wear their Andalusian clothes and to speak Arabic. The words that are heard still nowadays when somebody want to forbid someone else from speaking Catalan, “speak in Christian” originate from this time. If there was a wedding in a Moorish family, all doors and windows of the house had to be open so that people on the street could hear whether songs in Arabic were sung inside or whether Arabic dances took place. These people were sent to Castile, and the children were separated from their parents. Then the children were adopted by Catholic families to give them a Christian education. This system of semi-slavery of the children was denounced in the book “El Lazarillo de Tormes”, whose authorship is still debated
LAW
1716 - Nova Planta Decree: “The proceedings before the “Real Audiencia” will be conducted in Spanish.”
1768 - Royal Order of Aranjuez: Carlos III de Borbón ratifies the imposition of Spanish throughout the administration of justice, in all public schools and in the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in Catalonia as well.
1838 - The epitaphs in cemeteries are prohibited in Catalan.
1862 - Notaries Act prohibits the use of Catalan in notary deeds.
1870 - Civil Register Act prohibits the use of Catalan in the Civil Registry.
 
1881 Civil Procedure Act which prohibits the use of Catalan in courts.
 
RELIGION
In 1755 the Decree of the religious organization “Escolapios” states that all church members are required to speak only in Spanish and Latin, among themselves and with the rest of the population. And includes a penalty consisting of being fed exclusively with bread and water, in case of uncompliance.
1902 - Royal decree of Romanones prohibited teaching the catechism in Catalan.
ENTERTAINMENT
1799 - Royal order prohibits “acting, singing, dancing and any performance unless it is in Spanish.”
1801 - "Instructions" by Manuel de Godoy on theaters prohibit any language other than Spanish.
1837 - Elizabeth II, via Royal Order confirmed prohibition of Catalan in theaters and theatrical performances, and those works written in Catalan were not even admitted for review by the censor. As per the order, that prohibition was a response to the large number of works written in Catalan that were presented to the censor.
COMMERCIAL COMMUNICATIONS1772 - Royal Instruction: forced to write the accounting books in Spanish under the following paragraph: "Royal Order of his grace by virtue of which it is required to all merchants and traders at wholesale and at retail in my Realm, being local or foreigners, to write their books in Spanish in accordance with the law of the new compilation.”
1886 – General Management of Post and Telegraph prohibits speaking Catalan on the phone.
DENIALHowever, we must remember that the Parliament of Cádiz was presented a proposal for the official use of Catalan. The proposal was rejected by 120 votes against and 13 in favor. The Count of Romanones, who responded to such nonsense, said, emphatically, that the co-official status of Catalan was "unacceptable." But the question is the following: wasn’t the Constitution of Cadiz based on equality before the law to all Spanish citizens?
In addition to the imposition of Spanish by all possible means, the next step was to deny the fact that Catalan had never been an official language even in Catalonia. Thus, Menéndez Pidal published in the newspaper “El Impartial” in Madrid the article "Bilingual Catalonia,” in which he stated that Catalan was never official language at the Catalan Parliament. And once the goal of a bilingual Catalonia was achiebed, they began to deny that Catalan society had ever been monolingual. The report by Jesús Patiño, head of the "Council of Justice and Government" in 1714 (the highest authority of the occupying state,) explained clearly the real situation. This document confirmed the "peculiar" situation of Catalan monolingualism when the troops of Phillip V arrived in 1714: "they are so passionate for their homeland… and this passion is so excessive that disrupts their thinking and they only speak in their native language."
FRANCO REGIME
The linguistic repression of Catalan speakers had already become a top national objective when in 1939 one of the most repressive periods against Catalan language began: Francoism. On that year Franco stated: "We wish absolute national unity, with only one language, the Spanish, and with a single way of being, the Spanish one.”
1939: Prohibition to speak or write Catalan:
 
 On the radio Books Theater, including the play “Els Pastorets” (traditional Christmas play) Any type of forms, including wedding invitations and first communion cards Signs and ads Names Films, until 1964 Factories All public and private schools Headstones on cemeteries and obituaries
Names of hotels, restaurants, bars, trade names, trademarks and boats Conferences and cultural events Private correspondence, until January 1940 Records of Civil Registers
 Public employees, between themselves and with the public Street names
We could add a huge list of local regulations, military and civilian instructions, to the above. For example, in the letter by Spanish Minister Ramón Serrano Suñer addressed to all Catalan bishops: “New linguistic rules in the communication between the Church and the pilgrims, until the Spanish language is understood by everyone (which will be achieved through intensive work in schools).”
Another example is the prisons’ regulation from 1956 which clearly states that prisoners can only speak in Spanish.
TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACYIt might be hard to believe that after Franco's death, during the transition to democracy period, some laws which had the objective to relegate Catalan to the back burner came into force. Although the current organization into autonomies has led many people to believe that repression against Catalan is something that belongs to the past, the reality is quite different.
Between 1976 and 2008 at least 149 Royal decrees and other regulations have been published to ensure the mandatory labeling in Spanish of certain products such as food products and others. In Catalonia there is only one regulation concerning labeling.
Patents Act dated 1986 requires the documentation to be submitted in Spanish.
In 1989 the Royal Decree that approves the regulations of the Commercial Register states that all registrations should be only in Spanish.
In 1995 Act 30/1995 of Regulation and Supervision of Private Insurance requires all policies to be written in Spanish.
21st CENTURY
Despite the historical persecution suffered by speakers of Catalan, exposed here very briefly, Catalan is nowadays one of the languages ​​in the EU with more users, comparable to Swedish, Portuguese, and Greek, among others. However, the Spanish government blocked the official recognition of Catalan in Europe, as Martin Schulz, Chair of the European Parliament, said. Denial is still a national matter.
2010 Constitutional Court ruling regarding the Statute of Catalonia: Catalan is not the preferred language of the government in Catalonia, nor the language that should be spoken in schools.
2011 The regional government began a persecution never seen before of the Catalan language in the Balearic Islands. This led to a hunger strike by several retirees in Mallorca. In Valencia, the regional government also persecutes the normal use of the language, while ignoring over 100,000 families that keep asking for schooling in Catalan.
2012 The High Court of Catalonia imposes mandatory schooling in Spanish for children upon request from the parents, upon the request presented by a total of six families.
2012 The High Court of Catalonia relegates Catalan to non-preferred language in the Barcelona cown government.
2012 The Government of Aragon rebrands the language spoken in the border with Catalonia as "Aragonese language of the eastern side." This is equivalent to calling Austrian the German spoken in Austria.
2012 The High Court of Catalonia states Catalan should not be the language spoken in schools in Catalonia.
2012 The Spanish Minister of Education presented a draft regulation by which the Catalan language becomes optional and it is not a requirement to finalize compulsory education. Apparently the second part has been revised.
The conclusion is that the legal framework that protected the Catalan language, after centuries of relentless persecution, is not guaranteed. In fact it is far from it.
Many South-American citizens that live in our country are often surprised by Catalan vitality, since many of their languages disappeared due to the colonial rule. And they do not know half of it!
While it is true that languages ​​are always innocent and it is the men who use them as instruments of power and submission, it is also true that, as J. Tusón says, "the death of a language is never innocent, it is never due to the will of the speakers." The Catalan case is not an exception. Estonian writer Sofi Oksana, in her novel "Purge" - European prize for best novel in 2010 - tells with extraordinary harshness and realism the occupation of her country by the Soviet Union. In an interview about her work, the novelist explained that during Soviet times when someone would go shopping and start a conversation in Estonian the response was usually "speak a human language, please.” This surprising situation lasted for only fifty years.
Back to J. Tusón, in "Natural Heritage" he says: "and if we ask for respect for each human being, it is also fair that we demand the survival of each of the languages ​​that are our breeding ground.”
Eugènia de Pagès (Professor of History)


 


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