It's Neither Language Nor Money

The other day I spoke with an American reporter who had taken an interest lately in the news from Catalonia. He explained to me sincerely that he didn't know much about our country, but he had got documented before coming over. His aim, he said, was to understand why “some Spaniards want to stop being Spanish”. He said it like that, and I emphasized it wasn't about rejecting or scorning any identity, but rather the elemental fact that a people should be able to exercise democracy.

 

When we began to talk about this, the American started to talk to me of what the pro-indepencence movement refers to as “fiscal plunder” and I realised he had already researched the basic figures. With data in hand, he recited what many of us already know perfectly well: the Catalan structural deficit is 8,5% of the Catalan GDP and represents nearly €16.5bn per year over the last three years. He had also found that the inter-territorial ranking ends up affecting Catalonia, going seven places lower when the levelling between autonomous regions is done, because of the breaching of the principle of ordinality. The paradox —I added— is that the communities which generate least wealth end up having more resources per inhabitant than those contributing most to the common fund.

 

Then, thoughtfully, he asked me about the failed attempt of the new fiscal pact and concluded with satisfaction: “Sure: Catalan separatism is a subject of interests, like in Italy with the Northern League”. I immediately replied that, although fiscal and economic arguments were very present in the sovereignty movement and had convinced many people, it would be a mistake to attribute this growth only to this factor. It was necessary to go further, I suggested.

 

The American smiled and took other papers from his case. He made a pretty good summary of the history of Catalan culture, with references to El Tirant, the Monastery of Montserrat, the Renaixença, language immersion in schools and the creation of TV3. On his iPhone, he had songs by Raimon, Lluis Llach, Sopa de Cabra and Manel, which he loved even though he didn't understand them. Someone had also passed him —he had it on his iPad— an episode of Dallas dubbed in Catalan, and a long part of the film Pa Negre.

He was still smiling. "Maybe I didn't explain myself well enough before: I meant that the wallet is crucial, but I know the identity claim of Catalonia is based on a culture and a language different than Spanish." I listened to him in fascination. He spoke about Spanish Minister of Education J.I. Wert and the fanciful ideas of the government of the Aragon region, because he wanted to show he was well informed, and to drive the rivet home he said "Okay, independence is a matter of language and culture, it is about preventing these things from disappearing, as in Quebec." He thought this time he had hit the bullseye, it but I countered: I admitted the obvious cultural base of Catalan nationalism, but I warned that the people are not just demanding divorce from Spain in an attempt to achieve cultural protection.

 

The American stopped smiling. He was annoyed. If it wasn't money or language, what moved an important part of Catalans to demand a referendum? He looked at me like a poker player throwing down his ace. He smiled again: "I think now I understand: Pro-independence is, essentially, a matter of power; the aim is to have a flag at the United Nations, have embassies, speak to Brussels, say that Barcelona is the capital of a State ... ". I cut him short and, kindly, I said to him that that wasn't it either. To understand the current juncture in Catalonia, he had to consider a dimension which is never mentioned but is more influential than the key economic, cultural or power issues.

 

Sovereignty —I told him while he was taking notes— is, especially, a moral cause. It arises from realising that for both formal and informal powers in Spain, Catalanness is an anomalous, defective form of being Spanish. If Catalanness is by default a suspect identity within Castilian pedigree Spain, it is necessary to try to dissolve it, stifle it, and above all, exclude it from any tract of power. A takeover of a Madrid-based firm by a Catalan company was prevented to the cry of "Antes alemana que catalana!" (Rather German than Catalan!) A Catalan is always guilty of not really being Spanish enough, even if not a Catalan nationalist. The journalist was dumbfounded. I added that the relationship between Basques and Spaniards had nothing to do with this blueprint, which was clear —for example— from the fact that nobody disputes the tax arrangement with the Basque Country and Navarre.

 

Catalan sovereignty is a moral cause. Yes, it is fuelled by economical, cultural and political disputes daily with Madrid, but it goes beyond that. It is a moral cause because it is related with the need to stop having to constantly explain who and what we are, as if we were children. If this deep dimension of this conflict is not understood, then nor will you understand what moves hundreds of thousands of Catalans today. The visitor finally grasped the concept.

 

Francesc-Marc Álvaro

Catalan journalist and essayist.