Mr Majo: Catalonia Wants to Manufacture F-35 and Airbus Parts, and Contribute to Allies Security

In a recent interview with Catalan daily Avui, Socialist Joan Majo left the door open to independence but warned that the “road may be painful”. While not ruling out this option, he still professed a preference for “Federalism”, saying that such an agreement “would probably be less traumatic and painful”. Majo, a former Spanish industry minister, laid down three conditions for such a federalizing agreement to be acceptable: recognition and reduction of Catalonia’s fiscal plunder by Spain, formal recognition as a nation, and an end to discrimination against Catalan language and culture. What is surprising, coming from a former industry minister, was the absence of any reference to Catalan participation in Airbus and the international consortium building the F-35.

Nine flags on the background, Japan’s is the tenth, any reason why Catalonia’s should not be number eleven?

Now, Majo’s other demands have already been dealt with at length in myriad other books and articles, and ours is not to again state the obvious, namely that there are no Federalists in Spain and that therefore any such agreement is plainly impossible. Let us thus briefly turn our attention to the Catalan aircraft industry. First of all, Catalonia has a centuries-old industrial tradition, and should therefore be expected to be present in this sector too. Second, her proximity to Southern France and the many aircraft manufacturing plants there should facilitate this. Third, small distances are no advantage unless the necessary connecting infrastructure is there. Fourth, despite mostly being in private hands, the aircraft industry is very much dependent on government decisions. For example private contractors designing and building the F-35 play a role following intergovernmental agreements, without which a company cannot participate in the consortium.

So, how come Catalan companies play a negligible role in the industry? The answer in no small part lies in the decisions by successive Spanish governments (of different political colours) to block direct train connections between France and Catalonia, and exclude Catalan enterprises from any international consortia. 

Needless to say, this is morally unacceptable, and economically disastrous. Unacceptable because there is no reason why Catalan enterprises and workers should be discriminated and excluded from such a high-tech industry providing well paid jobs. Disastrous because it has ripple effects on the whole economy, preventing the emergence of new industries to replace those deemed obsolete by technological change or migrating to lower-wage economies.

However, the absence of any reference to Catalonia’s future role in the aircraft industry, or more generally engineering and the defence sector, show how some people still have some way to go until they fully understand what we are talking about. Furthermore, in any such discussion it is necessary to take into account not just the Catalan national interest but also that of our NATO partners and allies. How much has Spain’s irrational transportation policies have cost Paris? To what extent are they making it more difficult to logistically sustain French and allied operations in Mali? Are they damaging NATO’s missile shield? What is the cost to US and European taxpayers of the Spanish ”revolutionary tax”, as we could call Madrid’s obsession to manufacture military helicopters and plane parts in the middle of nowhere? Is there a connection between Spain’s threats to use force to keep Catalonia and her inability to offer more than 50 troops to serve in Mali? Is Spain’s economic crisis, which is rendering much of her armed forces non-operational and thus unavailable to NATO, linked to irrational economic policies such as banning direct intercontinental flights to Catalan airports and proper rail connections to Catalan ports? These are all legitimate and necessary questions that we should be posing ourselves.

Now, none of the above should in any way be interpreted as personal criticism of Mr Majo. We should actually be grateful that people who for years had not seriously considered the possibility that Catalonia may regain her sovereignty are now openly discussing it as a legitimate option. Furthermore, the three conditions stated by Mr Majo may simply be his way to pave the ground for an open spousal of independence. A way of saying “I tried but … you left me no choice”.

He is not alone in this. Guess who chaired a roundtable on the economic aspects of independence on 20 March … Mr Pique, another former Spanish industry minister who once headed Spain's Popular Party branch in Catalonia and now runs an airline.  Who would have imagined Mr Pique chairing a roundtable on independence a couple of years ago? Again, it would have been logical to hear him discuss the defence industry, but at the same time this may well be his way of preparing to jump ship and we should welcome any such move. 

Last, it is important to remember that Catalan independence must be seen in the context of NATO, EU, and Maritime Democracies’, defence policies, as a process having a positive impact on them all. At a time of growing threats against the West, winds of war in the Asia-Pacific Region, and pressure on defence budgets, there is no time to accommodate obsolete artificial states sabotaging NATO from within. Much better to have serious, reliable, hard-working allies at hand.

Alex Calvo is a Professor of International Relations and International Law, Head of the IR Department, and Postgraduate Research Director, European University (Barcelona Campus). An expert on Asian security and defence issues, he got his LLB from the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS, University of London) and is currently doing an MA in Second World War Studies at the University of Birmingham. He is a former teaching and research fellow at the OSCE Academy in Bishkek (Kyrgyzstan).