Those who have been reading the Spanish press in recent weeks, particularly the Madrid press, might think that time has rolled back to 1898. The headlines, which display scant impartiality and plenty of sensationalism, talk about the "threat of separatism", and the main political parties proclaim their support for the State when it announces an "inflexible" stance to those who act against "the indissoluble unity of Spain".
This time, as opposed to 1898, the separatists are neither to be found in the distant Caribbean Sea nor in the Cuban jungle, but within the Iberian Peninsula itself: in Catalonia. The threat felt by politicians from Madrid does not arise from machetes raised by pro-independence Cuban guerilla fighters, but from the most democratic of demands: the ballot. The alarm has been triggered to levels of hysteria because the Catalans have decided to set a date for the referendum in which they will decide whether to continue attached to the Spanish State or else organise themselves as an independent nation. As the central State refuses to even talk about the issue, they decided to call a definitive referendum themselves.
The decision has been taken by political parties representing a majority of Catalans, holding over two-thirds of the seats in the regional parliament, thus ensuring approval. After holding negotiations, they decided to call the referendum on the 9th of November 2014. More importantly, they agreed on the questions to ask in the referendum. First, the Catalans will be asked whether they want Catalonia to be a State, and if so whether they want that State to be independent.
The behind-the-scenes negotiation that finally produced the date and the question took several months. Most of the parties in the group support independence, although the ruling Convergència i Unió (CiU) coalition includes Unió Democrática de Catalunya (UDC), whose leadership favours a kind of "free association" with Spain. Hence the choice of two questions, the first pleasing UDC and the second the pro-independence supporters.
Even though such ambiguity opens the door to a non-independence result –as a major London newspaper remarked– the reaction of the central government has been outright rejection, denying point-blank any right to self-determination. The opposition Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) united in rejecting the principle of self-determination, and so the Catalan people are faced with a combined front formed by all the Spanish national parties.
Although this stonewalling is now more bombastic than ever, it first appeared when the Catalan parties –encouraged by the UK-approved Scottish independence referendum– demanded that their "right to decide" their future as a nation be recognised. The stonewall erected in Madrid has so far been unable to stop the pro-sovereignty process, quite the contrary. Although the central Conservative government, with the support of the PSOE, has not yielded an inch, the Catalans have carried on with their plans and are now preparing to make a unilateral call for a sovereignty referendum.
There are already voices emerging in Europe urging the Spanish government to take a more conciliatory stance that recognizes Spain's multinational reality. The Financial Times of London published an editorial suggesting the above, with considerable impact in Europe but very little with the Spanish government.
Interestingly, the ruling Popular Party (PP) was the real instigator of the current atmosphere of confrontation pervading Spain and Catalonia. During 2005 and 2006, with the PSOE heading the central government, a very serious process resulted in the adoption of a new statute of autonomy for Catalonia. Although the legislation passed clearly did not satisfy the pro-independence supporters, mostly grouped within Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), this was a major step forward compared to the previous statute. The new Act recognized the Catalan nation and created an acceptable legal framework for the protection and development of their language, culture and historical institutions. Furthermore, the process was very inclusive. It began in the Catalan parliament, then it proceeded to the Spanish Congress and finally it was approved by the Catalans in a referendum.
After this intense process, the historical "Catalan problem" was put on hold and everything seemed to indicate that it would remain so for a very long time. But as soon as the statute was passed, the then opposition PP party challenged it before the Constitutional Court, where there were (and still are) a majority of conservative judges who proceeded to strip it, decreeing the annulment of 14 different articles. The annulled provisions were precisely those related to language, culture and nation, as well as others that increased the powers of the autonomous government. Following that judgement, the Catalan people felt wronged and the sentiment in favour of independence became prevalent. The Catalans became convinced that it was just not possible to negotiate a reasonable agreement with Madrid and that the Catalan institutions could only ever develop with independence.
As is clear, the chickens have come home to roost. Now most Catalans, rather than speaking of autonomy, speak of independence, and the Spanish right, realizing that they mean it, is becoming hysterical. Nobody really knows how far they will go. In the times of dictator Francisco Franco, tanks would be rolling down the famous "Les Rambles" boulevard in Barcelona by now, but today Spain is in the EU and the military solution is frowned upon. Moreover, all the Catalans are asking is that they be allowed to vote –and at this point in history such a request cannot be answered to with guns.
Manuel de J González
Claridad
Original Spanish language version
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